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The end of stigma?: Changes in the social experience of long-term illness, by Gill Green
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The end of stigma?: Changes in the social experience of long-term illness - Research Repository
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- The End Of Stigma?: Changes In The Social Experience Of Long Term Illness ?
Our platform features offers from merchants who have signed up with PriceCheck. You are welcome to search for the product on our website and make contact with any of the merchants featured on PriceCheck for more information regarding their offers. All societies will always stigmatize some conditions and some behaviors because doing so provides for group solidarity by delineating "outsiders" from "insiders". Falk  describes stigma based on two categories, existential stigma and achieved stigma.
He defines existential stigma as "stigma deriving from a condition which the target of the stigma either did not cause or over which he has little control. Falk concludes that "we and all societies will always stigmatize some condition and some behavior because doing so provides for group solidarity by delineating 'outsiders' from 'insiders'".
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The majority of stigma researchers have found the process of stigmatization has a long history and is cross-culturally ubiquitous. Bruce Link and Jo Phelan propose that stigma exists when four specific components converge: . In this model stigmatization is also contingent on "access to social , economic , and political power that allows the identification of differences, construction of stereotypes , the separation of labeled persons into distinct groups, and the full execution of disapproval, rejection , exclusion, and discrimination.
Identifying which human differences are salient, and therefore worthy of labeling, is a social process. There are two primary factors to examine when considering the extent to which this process is a social one. The first issue is that significant oversimplification is needed to create groups. The broad groups of black and white , homosexual and heterosexual , the sane and the mentally ill ; and young and old are all examples of this. Secondly, the differences that are socially judged to be relevant differ vastly according to time and place.
An example of this is the emphasis that was put on the size of the forehead and faces of individuals in the late 19th century—which was believed to be a measure of a person's criminal nature. The second component of this model centers on the linking of labeled differences with stereotypes. Goffman's work made this aspect of stigma prominent and it has remained so ever since. This process of applying certain stereotypes to differentiated groups of individuals has attracted a large amount of attention and research in recent decades. Thirdly, linking negative attributes to groups facilitates separation into "us" and "them".
Seeing the labeled group as fundamentally different causes stereotyping with little hesitation. At this extreme, the most horrific events occur.
The fourth component of stigmatization in this model includes "status loss and discrimination ". Many definitions of stigma do not include this aspect, however, these authors believe that this loss occurs inherently as individuals are "labeled, set apart, and linked to undesirable characteristics. Thus, stigmatization by the majorities, the powerful, or the "superior" leads to the Othering of the minorities, the powerless, and the "inferior". Whereby the stigmatized individuals become disadvantaged due to the ideology created by "the self," which is the opposing force to "the Other.
The authors also emphasize [ citation needed ] the role of power social , economic , and political power in stigmatization. While the use of power is clear in some situations, in others it can become masked as the power differences are less stark. An extreme example of a situation in which the power role was explicitly clear was the treatment of Jewish people by the Nazis.
On the other hand, an example of a situation in which individuals of a stigmatized group have "stigma-related processes" [ clarification needed ] occurring would be the inmates of a prison.
It is imaginable that each of the steps described above would occur regarding the inmates' thoughts about the guards. However, this situation cannot involve true stigmatization, according to this model, because the prisoners do not have the economic, political, or social power to act on these thoughts with any serious discriminatory consequences.
Sociologist Matthew W. Hughey explains that prior research on stigma has emphasized individual and group attempts to reduce stigma by 'passing as normal', by shunning the stigmatized, or through selective disclosure of stigmatized attributes. Yet, some actors may embrace particular markings of stigma e.
Hence, Hughey argues that some actors do not simply desire to 'pass into normal' but may actively pursue a stigmatized identity formation process in order to experience themselves as causal agents in their social environment. Hughey calls this phenomenon 'stigma allure'.
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